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Rodgers III DD-254
Rodgers III(DD-254: dp. 1,190; 1. 314'5"; b. 31'; dr. 9'10"; s. 34.4 k.;cpl. 131; a. 4 4", 1 3", 12 21" tt.; cl. Clemson)The third Rodgers (DD-254) was laid down as Kalk 25 September 1918 by the Bethlehem Shipbuilding Corp., Quiney, Mass.; renamed Rodgers 23 December 1918; launched 26 April 1919; sponsored by Miss Helen T. Rodgers, granddaughter of Commodore John Rodgers, and commissioned 22 July 1919, Lt. Comdr. A. M. Steekel in command.Rodgers served with Division 28, Destroyers, Atlantic Fleet, until the spring of 1922 when she steamed to Philadelphia for inactivation. Decommissioned 20 July of that year, she remained in reserve until after the outbreak of World War II in Europe.Rodgers, recommissioned 18 December 1939, again served briefly with the Atlantic Fleet, and in October 1940 moved to Halifax where she joined other "four stackers" being transferred to the United Kingdom in exchange for bases in the Western Hemisphere. She decommissioned 23 October 1940 and was transferred and commissioned the same day for service in the 4th "Town" Flotilla as H.M.S. Sherwood (I. 80).Sherwood sailed for the United Kingdom 1 November. Diverted en route, she participated in the search for survivors of ships lost from convoy HX 84 and in the subsequent hunt for Admiral Scheer, when returning to Canada for repairs. On the 18th, she arrived at Belfast, continued on to Portsmouth whence, after overhaul, she sailed to join the 12th Eseort Group, Western Approaehes Command at Londonderry. Transferred, with her group, to Ieeland in April 1941, she joined in the hunt for Bismarck in May and on the 28th, the day after the German battleship had been sunk, assisted in rescue operations for survivors from British destroyer H.M.S. Mashona (F. 59).During the summer, Sherwood underwent repairs in theClyde, then returned to Londonderry, whence she operated first with the 2d Eseort Group, then with the 22d, into the new year, 1942. In February and March, she accompanied carriers during trials, and, after another yard period, April to August served as a target shin for training aircraft from the Roysi Naval Air Station at~Fearn, Scotland. In the autumn, she again crossed the Atlantic and served with the Newfoundland Command until she returned to Londonderry in February 1943. During March and April she escorted a convoy to Tunisia and back, but by Mav she again needed major repairs. Worn out, she was paid off at Chatham; stripped of usuable parts and ordnance; and towed to the Humber where she was beached in shallow water for use as an aircraft target. Her hulk was scrapped in 1945.
Kinsmen and Kinswomen
This, as you will see, is the very definition of a work in progress.
In sum, it is the best attempt on the parts of my cousin Elisha Lee and myself to reconstruct the family’s history from the point where the Transcript article leaves off to Howard T. Swain’s departure from Copake for Exeter, and from there for Boston.
Part II: Recent History
The Swain family continued to live in the Hampton, NH and Hampton Falls, NH area until the late 1700’s, where we pick up the current trail.
The genealogy during this period is, at this point, conjecture. Once a generation or two is forgotten, you can’t say anything for sure. Certainty only reappears, as we go back from the present.
As of this writing we can go as far back as John Swain and Eunice Rogers Swett, residents of Hampton Falls, NH… THE remaining mystery is nailing down John Swain’s father, who may be either John Swain b. Jan 11, 1685, husband of Martha Tongue, or alternately, William Swain (IV), b. 1724, husband of Judith Gove. If the former, John would have been about 58, with a 37 yo 2 nd wife when he had Levi. If the latter, he would have been younger, but that man has no dates. Once this link is established, we’ll know how to connect the entire line. On the whole, the evidence best suggests the John Swain / Martha Tongue option.
- …John Swain’s wife Judith Page, by whom he has had five children, dies [date?]. Meanwhile, Moses Swett, husband of Eunice Rogers Swett also dies [date?].
- John Swain and Eunice (Rogers) Swett Swain are married [no date on entry] and live in Hampton Falls, NH.— Vital Statistics of Hampton Falls, NH through 1899.
- Levi Swain is born to them in Hampton Falls, November (12 or) 14, 1777. — Vital Statistics of Hampton Falls, NH through 1899.
- John and Eunice Swain, and sons John, Theophilus, and Levi [maybe others too], move (possibly) to Poultney, VT, and then, before 2/2/1785, to Gilmanton, NH where they buy land. [According to Hampton Falls VR, Levi was born in Hampton Falls, NH (see above) according to Levi’s death certificate, he was born in Poultney, VT according to his son Joel’s death certificate, Levi was born in Gilmanton, NH. …This is why this research is frustrating.]
- John Swain dies, and his estate is settled in Gilmanton, NH Oct 4, 1798. His wife Eunice is rendered an account there on Feb 21, 1801.
- [A John Swain and John, Jr. appear in Gilmanton in the 1800 Census, and then Castleton in the 1820 Census, but neither dies there. Are these Levi’s father and brother or brother and nephew?]
- John and Eunice’s son, Levi Swain, moves to Brattleboro, VT before 1808.
- Levi marries Rhoda Eaton, then of Brattleboro, Vermont, 7/20/1808.
- Levi is counted in Brattleboro for the 1810 Census.
- Levi’s signature, just because… (It took me a long time to find it.)
- Children Joel Eaton Swain, Julia Ann Swain, are born to Levi and Rhoda in Brattleboro, 1810 and 1813, respectively.
- A somewhat lengthy aside: for much of the last decade, the parentage of Rhoda was in some doubt, at least as far as I was concerned, but the matter has been put to rest.
- The first and strongest possibility, suggested by multiple people on the web, was that she was the daughter of Simeon Eaton and Rhoda Clark of West Brattleboro, Vermont. Two points bearing on names: one, the mother of this family also is named Rhoda, arguing for a connection two, this family had a son, Joel Eaton, who died in 1805. This would explain Rhoda’s choice of the name Joel Eaton Swain for her first son in 1810.
- Another possibility, though, was that she was the daughter of Abner and Abelina Eaton, of Underhill, a town near Burlington, and there is a document – a relatively modern transcription of an original town record – to attest that an Abner and Abelina had a daughter, Roda, in Underhill, c. 1783. However, J.J Monahan’s online History of the Town of Underhill maintains that the first child to be born in Underhill was not born until 1787, and was named Nancy. “The first settlers in this town were Elijah BENEDICT and Abner EATON in 1786. Mr. EATON located in North Underhill and resided there to the time of his death. The first deed executed in town was from Thomas BARNEY to Caleb SHELDON, and dated August 25, 1789. The first child born in town was Nancy SHELDON, daughter of Caleb SHELDON, on the 10th of September, 1787.” Thus, this Rhoda was supposedly born in Underhill four years before the town’s actual first child. A mistake, one or more, clearly occurred somewhere
- Based on the similarity of names – Rhoda, Joel Eaton – I felt the weight of the evidence was on Simeon and Rhoda as her parents.
- Fortunately, I recently found Simeon’s will, and in a codicil, after appointing his son Simeon executor, and mentioning his one other surviving son, Stephen, he names his daughters, including Rhoda Swain, Sally Nash, and Esther, Miriam, and Clarissa Eaton, and gives them each $1. Mystery solved!
James Gamble Rogers III
Jim Rogers (Class of 1968) arrived at Yale in the fall of 1963, and encountered a campus whose overall plan and most of whose Gothic revival buildings had been designed by his grandfather, James Gamble Rogers, Class of 1889 — one of the most important architects of his generation. Indeed, architecture runs through the Rogers clan. There have been six family members named James Gamble Rogers. All have been architects except Jim’s father and son.
Beginning with the Yale Club of New York in 1915 and over the next twenty years, his grandfather designed most of Yale’s central campus: Harkness Memorial Tower, Sterling Memorial Library, the Law School, the Graduate School, the University Theater and Drama School, and eight residential colleges. He was also the architect for five houses on fraternity row and the Bob Cook Boathouse.
The Rogers family was part of the Connecticut shoreline community of Old Black Point, and his grandfather had been a good friend of Edward Harkness, the great philanthropist who underwrote much of the Yale building program. It was a short ride from the Rogers home to the Harkness’s summer estate in New London and his private golf course. Rogers’s grandfather was an enthusiastic but poor golfer. He had such difficulty with sand traps that he putted out of those at the Harkness course until they were all remodeled with lips to prevent that style of exit.
Jim Rogers learned to play golf as a teenager from his father, who was not an architect but a Yale graduate. He entered Exeter in the tenth grade, where he played golf and hockey. Dan Hogan was the senior captain of the golf team when Rogers was a sophomore. In his first year at Yale Jim was a member of the undefeated freshman hockey team, but he didn’t play golf. He might have avoided golf altogether had he not received a call in February of his sophomore year from Dan Hogan. Hogan had preceded him to Yale and was the 1965 golf team captain and an honorable mention All-American. Hogan suggested that he join the team for its spring trip to Hilton Head Island and Florida. Charles Fraser, Yale Law 1953, was just beginning the development of Sea Pines Plantation at Hilton Head and had invited Al Wilson to bring the team to try out the two courses that had been built. Jim Rogers turned in the lowest total score and returned to Yale as a member of the team, which went undefeated that season.
Rogers decided to leave Yale at the end of his sophomore year, frustrated that he wasn’t getting from it what he thought he should. Given the Vietnam draft, he wished to remain in school and spent a year at the University of London in its School of Oriental and African Studies. Six weeks in West Africa as a teenager with his father and the Reverend Jim Robinson, founder of Operation Crossroads Africa, had stirred his interest, and he spent the year in London in the company of many of the African students at the university.
Rogers returned to Yale in 1966 and to the golf team. He played the number two position as a junior and the number one as a senior. In his senior year he was the runner up to Mike Porter of Princeton (now a Harvard Business School professor) in the 1968 ECAC tournament. He finished in the top twenty-five in the ncaa tournament. He followed the eventual winner, Hale Irwin, for nine holes and saw him make four birdies, four pars, and a hole-in-one. The team remained very successful, contributing to Al Wilson’s remarkable coaching record. Rogers went on to the Columbia University School of Architecture in 1969 at the height of the Vietnam War protests there, again surrounded by James Gamble Rogers design work.
Rogers joined the architectural firm of Rogers and Butler in 1975, a firm founded by his uncle. In 1979 he left to form his own firm of Butler Rogers Baskett. His early work was not golf-related, but in 1985 he was asked to recommend some improvements to the women’s locker room at Shinnecock Hills Golf Club. What he found was an entire clubhouse suffering from longstanding neglect and ad hoc changes. He recommended a complete restoration of the original 1892 Stanford White design. This was accepted, and the renovated clubhouse met with wide attention and acclaim, especially when the club hosted the 1995 US Open.
Since then Rogers’s firm has directed thirteen more renovation and restoration projects of historically significant clubhouses, including such masterpieces as the St. Andrews Golf Club (first organized in 1888 and from which came several of Yale’s first golf team members), the Sleepy Hollow Country Club (another Stanford White design), Brooklawn Country Club, Wee Burn Country Club (an Addison Mizner design), Wykagyl Country Club, Piping Rock Club (the course designed by C. B. Macdonald and Seth Raynor in 1911) and the Woodway Country Club. The firm is now also designing new clubhouses, including one for the Yale Farms Golf Club, planned by Roland Betts in northwestern Connecticut.
Jim Rogers has remained involved with the Yale Golf Association and served as president from 2003 to 2006. He was especially successful in the Association’s fund raising for the restoration of the course. When asked to compare the Yale golf course today with what it was forty years ago, Rogers believes “it seems a lot harder now.” He notes that no other course may be as different as Yale’s from the regular and long tees.
History & Staff
1837 - Founded The Mitchell-Wiedefeld Funeral Home, Inc. at 6500 York Road in Rodgers Forge traces it's history back to 1837 when John Hughes by name, started a cabinetmaking business at 170 South Bond Street, just east of the inner harbor in downtown Baltimore City. This 1837 starting date makes the firm one of the oldest in Maryland and also in the United States. In 1860, John Hughes added Undertaker to his Cabinetmaker business name, changed the firm name to John Hughes and Sons and moved the business to 65 South Broadway, a few blocks from Bond Street. In 1874, John's son, William H. Hughes, had come into the business and a son-in-law, Francis M. Denny, had also joined the firm, which now would go by the name of Hughes & Denny. In 1876, a second location was added at 550 W. Fayette Street, just west of center city and a second son-in-law, E. Madison Mitchell, came into the business. Another branch office was opened in 1881 at 1201 W. Fayette St. in west Baltimore. The name of the business changed in 1885 to Denny & Mitchell as the Hughes name was dropped and the two principals were now Francis M. Denny and E. Madison Mitchell. Francis Denny died in 1895 and the firm name became simply the E. Madison Mitchell Funeral Home. His nephew, John O. Mitchell, Sr. joined the firm in the early 1900's and took over as President in 1916 when E. Madison died. In 1924, the firm name was changed to John O. Mitchell & Sons as John Sr.'s two sons, John O. Jr. and Mahlon B. graduated from high school and joined their father in the business. A year later, the business would move to 1900 Eutaw Place at Robert Street where it would remain until 1965. The company was incorporated in 1932 and to this day holds only one of fifty-nine corporate funeral charters in existence in the State of Maryland. John O. Mitchell, Jr. took over as company President in 1950 when his father died, and the title was passed to John O. Mitchell, III in 1959 when his father (John, Jr.) died.
1914 - Historic Event One of the historic highlights of the early Mitchell funeral business, occurred in 1914, when the company officiated at what is said to have been the first engine driven automobile funeral ever held in the United States and probably the world. The funeral consisted of four Cadillac limousines and one Cadillac hearse, the bodies of all five vehicles were made to order for the Mitchell firm by local wagon builders. All funeral vehicles were horse drawn prior to this.
1965 - Rodgers Forge In July of 1965, 1900 Eutaw Place was sold and a totally new funeral home was erected at 6500 York Road (at Overbrook Road) in Rodgers Forge, just north of the city/county line in Baltimore County. At the same time, the firm merged with long time funeral home owner J. Liston Wiedefeld, who at that time was selling his funeral home located at Greenmount Ave. and 22nd Street in Baltimore City. With the formation of the new partnership and new location opening in July of 1965, the firm was renamed to John O. Mitchell & Sons-Wiedefeld Home, Inc.
1972 - Timonium A branch operation was established in 1972 with long time funeral director J. E. Lowell Lemmon, a nephew to J. Liston Wiedefeld, and a funeral home was erected at 10 West Padonia Road and York Road in Timonium. This operation would be known as The Dulaney Valley Home of Lemmon-Mitchell-Wiedefeld, Inc. Following the death of Mr. Lemmon in 1989, the Mitchell Family sold their interest in the firm to Mr. Lemmon's widow, Joyce and son Lowell, Jr. in 1994. Today, that funeral home is owned by the national funeral conglomerate, Service Corporation International of Houston, Texas.
Independent & Family Owned The Mitchell-Wiedefeld Funeral Home, Inc. remains today in Rodgers Forge at 6500 York Road in Towson (at Overbrook Road) with John O. Mitchell, IV as President and John O. Mitchell, III as Chairman. The Mitchell funeral business has remained truly an independent and family owned operation. John III's daughter, Josette, has been office manager since 1991. Over the past ten to fifteen years, there has been an alarming trend toward national, publicly traded corporations, acquiring local family owned funeral homes. We have rebuked all overtures from that direction in order to remain an independent, family owned business.
2007 - Dulaney Valley Memorial Gardens In the most recent and exciting news, The Mitchell Family has recently purchased the Dulaney Valley Memorial Gardens & Mausoleum in Timonium from the John Armiger Family. This too, was a family owned business, started in 1958 by John Armiger, Sr. and continued by his son, John Jr. until the transfer of ownership to the Mitchells in July of 2007.
The Mitchell Family has every intention of continuing both operations as independent and family owned businesses.
Our Valued Staff
John O. Mitchell III, Chairman
John became sole owner of the John O. Mitchell & Sons, Inc. funeral home in December, 1959 upon the death of his father, John (Jack) O. Mitchell, Jr. At the time, he became the fifth generation to carry on the family business.
In the early 1960’s, the funeral home was located at 1900 Eutaw Place in Baltimore City. That neighborhood was experiencing quite a change at that time and the firm was moved in July,1965 to 6500 York Road in Rodgers Forge, just over the county line. At the same time, a partnership was consummated with J. Liston Wiedefeld, a funeral director formerly of 22nd. St. & Greenmount Ave. to form John O. Mitchell & Sons – Wiedefeld Home, Inc.
John attended the McDonogh School in Owings Mills, graduating in 1957.Remaining active with the school, he served as alumni President in 1988-1989 and then served on the Board of Trustees from 1988 to 1996, serving as Secretary the last six years. He received a Bachelor of Science degree in Business Management from the University of Baltimore in 1963 and a Juris Doctor degree from the School of Law in 1970.
Born & raised in Riderwood, MD., John III resides with his wife of 51 years, Jolie (nee Krein) in the Hurstleigh-Woodbrook Section of Baltimore County. He is a life-time member of the Mount Vernon Place United Methodist Church in the heart of Mt. Vernon Place in downtown Baltimore. He still attends the Baltimore City Rotary Club where he has been a member since 1968. In addition he continues to serve on the Board of the Maryland Bible Society and has been since 1976. He was a former director of the Better Business Bureau and former board member of the Methodist Home of Maryland. Currently John & Jolie are members of the L’Hirondelle Club in Ruxton. He is an avid waterfowl hunter of both ducks and geese on Maryland’s Eastern Shore and Kent Island. A good portion of most summers are spent at their summer cottage in southern Maine.
John presently serves as the Chairman of both the Mitchell-Wiedefeld Funeral Home, Inc. and the Dulaney Valley Memorial Gardens, Inc. Semi-retired from both operations, he spends many afternoons working with the maintenance staff at Dulaney Valley, particularly around the two acre pond which is the focal point of the cemetery
John O. Mitchell IV, CFSP, CCSP, President
Jack has been working for his family's businesses since 1993 and has operated John O. Mitchell IV, Funeral Services of Dulaney Valley since it’s inception in 2007 when he and his father, John O. Mitchell III, became the owners of Dulaney Valley Memorial Gardens. He became licensed as a Maryland mortician in 1995. Jack graduated from McDonogh school in 1989, served as President of it's Alumni Association for the 2007-2008 term, and currently serves on the Board of Trustees. He graduated from Lehigh University in 1993 with a Bachelor of Science degree in Business Management, and from Catonsville Community College in 1995 with an Associate in Arts degree in Mortuary Science. Jack has been very active with the Maryland State Funeral Directors Association, serving as it's President for the term 2005-2006, and has also served on several committees of the National Funeral Directors Association and currently serves on it's Board of Directors as an At-Large Representative for the term 2016-2018. Jack was born and raised in the Towson area and currently resides in Lutherville.
Dennis S. Xenakis, Managing Director
Dennis has assisted Mr. Mitchell at Mitchell Funeral Services of Dulaney Valley since it’s inception in 2007. He has worked for Mitchell-Wiedefeld Funeral Home, Inc. since 1973 and has been Managing Director since 1994.. He attended Boys' Latin School, Loyola College of MD and Pittsburgh Institute of Mortuary Science, and attained his State of Maryland Mortician's License in 1977. Dennis is an active member of the Maryland State Funeral Directors Association, serving on it's Political Action and Long Term Planning Committees. He is also a member of the Boys' Latin School Alumni Association and the McDonogh School Patrons Association, where he is involved with the Annual Giving and Capitol Campaigns. Dennis and his wife, Claire, live just on the county side of the city line in Pinehurst with their daughters Pamela and Caitlin.
George J. Ferrarse, Funeral Director
George was born and raised in Overlea and is a 1976 graduate of John Carroll High School. He started serving his apprenticeship with Mitchell-Wiedefeld in 1976. George graduated from the San Francisco College of Mortuary Science in March of 1980 and became a licensed mortician in Maryland the following month. He currently resides in Nottingham, MD.
Steven M. East, Funeral Director
Originally from New York, Steven moved to Maryland in 2003. A home owner in Baltimore City’s Hamilton neighborhood, he is proud to claim himself a true Baltimorian. Steven started serving his apprenticeship with Mitchell-Wiedefeld in 2014 and graduated from the Community College of Baltimore County with an Associates in Arts degree in Mortuary Science later that year. In 2018, Steven obtained his insurance license to help families pre-plan and pre-pay for future funeral needs.
During his free time, Steven can be found either hiking the trails of North Baltimore with his dog Black Aggie, or supporting the many community theaters of Baltimore City, either through fundraising or being on stage.
Patricia M. Bridge, Funeral Director
Patricia has resided in Baltimore, Maryland all of her life except for 15 years where she served as an Air Force Reservist serving in Maryland, Texas, Mississippi, and overseas in Panama. Patricia and her son returned home to Maryland where she worked for Dulaney Valley Memorial Gardens for 17 years as part of the maintenance crew, and rose to the position of Superintendent. Realigning her goals, she went back to school to study Mortuary Science. Patricia began serving her apprenticeship with Mitchell-Wiedefeld Funeral Home in 2016 and graduated in 2017 from the CCBC Mortuary Science program. Patricia is now a licensed funeral director with Mitchell-Wiedefeld Funeral Home, Inc.
A. Charles Banknell Jr.
A. Charles Banknell, Jr. has been with Mitchell-Wiedefeld for over 20 years. Chuck received his B.A. degree from American University in 1977. He and his wife, Lisa, have been Rodgers Forge residents for 32 years. Chuck is a former member of the Board of Governors of the Rodgers Forge Community Association, as well as a past member of the Hibernian Society of Baltimore, and the Advocate Club of Maryland. Their only daughter resides in New York.
Julie Thomas, Office Manager
Born and raised in Maryland, Julie graduated from Elkton High school in 1988 and earned a Bachelor of Arts degree in Economics from Towson University in 1993. After graduation, Julie enjoyed a successful career in the finance industry before taking time off to raise a family. Julie returned to the workforce full-time in 2016 as Office Manager for Mitchell-Wiedefeld. She currently resides in Lutherville with her husband and children.
Ann Aumann, Hostess
Born and raised in the Baltimore area, Ann graduated from Towson High School. She earned her undergraduate degree from James Madison University and her Master's from Loyola University of Maryland. Ann worked for Baltimore County Public Schools for over 35 years, first as a special educator then a school counselor. Upon retirement Ann joined the Mitchell-Wiedefeld family part-time as her husband had before her. Ann currently resides in Towson so as to be close to her two grown sons, their wives and her grandchildren.
Christina (Chris) Strassner, Hostess
Born and raised in Baltimore, Chris graduated from Towson High School. She earned her Bachelor of Science degree in Education from the University of Maryland, College Park. Chris worked alongside her parents for 25 years at their family owned florist in Towson. The store closed in 1990. Chris joined the Mitchell-Wiedefeld family part-time in 2014 and works full-time at The Store Ltd. Currently, she resides in Timonium to be close to her daughters and granddaughter. She often visits her son in Los Angeles with hopes of retirement out West one day.
Edward Plumer Jr., Custodian
Born in Baltimore and raised in the Rodgers Forge community, Edward was educated in local schools. Edward enjoyed managing newspaper delivery routes until 1990. In 1990, Edward became self-employed and built a lawn & landscaping business. Edward joined Mitchell-Wiedefeld as a Custodian in 2002. Edward enjoys gardening, taking continuing education classes online and watching nostalgic television.
June Kramp, Hostess
June was born and raised in Rodgers Forge and graduated from Towson Senior High School. She worked in the retail business for 15 years. In July 2019, June joined Mitchell-Wiedefeld. In her free time, June enjoys trips to Frederick, Maryland to visit family. She currently resides in Parkville, Maryland.
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Early life and family
Like his father and grandfather, Rogers atteneded Upper Canada College.  Rogers graduated with a Bachelor of Arts degree from the University of Western Ontario and worked for Comcast Corporation in the Philadelphia area from 1993 to 1996 before returning to Canada to work with the family firm.
Rogers and his wife Suzanne have three children, Chloé, Edward and Jack, and they live in Toronto. 
Rogers is a descendant of Timothy Rogers, the colonist settler of Newmarket, Ontario and Pickering, Ontario.
Szefel on Rodgers (Part III of AGE OF FRACTURE roundtable)
Dear readers: Lisa Szefel‘s review of Age of Fracture is the third installment in our roundtable. For the first, see my review here. For the second, see Jim Livingston’s review here. Expect Mary Dudziak’s comments to be posted soon, followed by a response by Dan Rodgers. [Parts of this paper were previously published on the History News Network website, February 24, 2011]
Daniel Rodgers is the Fred Astaire of intellectual history. Words and arguments flow across the page effortlessly. One idea glides to center stage then moves off as another waltzes forward. What I would like to do today is, to paraphrase Hillary Clinton: dance backwards and in high heels. I’d like to get up close and talk about Rodgers’ steps.
In Age of Fracture , Daniel Rodgers offers an elegant, often eloquent, history of intellectual life in the last quarter of the twentieth century. Primarily interested in the construction of ideas that shaped conceptions of history, society, and responsibility, he analyzes texts from an eclectic array of academic thinkers across the political spectrum. Rodgers argues that in the 1940s and 1950s, social scientists and political philosophers established the terms of the debate on a range of issues concerning the self and society, obligations and justice, morality and destiny. To these postwar intellectuals, ideas had severe consequences, contexts and nature constricted human action, and history loomed very large indeed.
While the turmoil and chaos of the 1960s caused tremors, it was not until the quakes of oil embargoes, unemployment, and inflation in the 1970s, that fault lines in this ideological consensus emerged. Into this breach, a lexicon of microeconomic principles, which had been forming for decades in libertarian circles that stressed agency, contingency, and reason emerged, promising solutions to seemingly intractable problems of disco-era stagflation. Instead of focusing on property and production, workers and owners, these economists celebrated instead the slight of (an invisible) hand that produced wealth and fostered the virtues of competition.
The vocabulary, metaphors, and grammar of the free market boosters seeped into academic discussions. Instead of the public solidity of politics and pressure groups, American historians, political scientists, anthropologists, sociologists, and literary scholars seeking to understand the formulations of class and exercise of power, now uncovered the ineluctable influence of culture and diffuse workings of hegemony. Gramsci, Geertz, and Foucault replaced Marxist dialectics while close readings of popular songs, prisons, and cockfights superseded analyses of elections, parties, and unions. This cultural turn reshaped the color line as well, as race came to be viewed less as a fixed state and more as a social construction. Notions of gender likewise became subject to preoccupations with language and consciousness-raising rather than investigations into the architecture of patriarchy.
Some other reviewers of the book, most notably Robert Westbrook, have mentioned some important omitted thinkers, most importantly, Martha Nussbaum and, I would add, Elaine Scarry. Other critiques highlight the lack, at times, of sufficient causal analyses. We see how but why did the language and values of free markets triumph so decisively? How did the fall of Communism across Europe and in Russia affect attitudes toward liberal Democrats in America who, for decades, had insisted that the Soviet economy was out-performing domestic capitalism? Cold War triumphalism, after all, was grounded in the reality that the prime alternative to free markets had been defeated. In that scenario, why heed those who were wrong?
Along those lines, why didn’t liberals offer a stouter defense of communitarian principles? Focusing on the progressives’ multicultural and linguistic turn leaves unexamined some dramatic mistakes made by liberal politicians and their supporters, which diminished their credibility. It also ignores the many images of fat cat Democratic power players showing up for budget talks, after the federal government had been shut down, in limousines.
None of this went unnoticed among the working class in those parts of the country hardest hit by deindustrialization—the manufacturing cities of the Midwest and Northeast—who switched party affiliation to become Sunbelt and Rustbelt Republicans. The usual story about backlash and resentment, perpetrated famously in Thomas Frank’s What’s the Matter with Kansas , misses the point. Rodgers, however, is on the right track. A more vertical study that presents a cross-section of values would help to illuminate the common bonds that tied blue collar and Catholics to blue blood conservatives. This is something that is missing in the history of conservatism more generally.
An intellectual historian who clearly delineates his methodology, Rodgers rarely ventures outside the realm of books and articles to explain how conceptions are formed, leading to some connections that ring hollow. In discussing the post-Fordist focus on the present, for example, no mention is made of CNN, personal computers, or the ubiquity of media images. Ideas about race are dissected without analysis of the impact wielded by rap music, MTV, or films like “Boyz n the Hood,” giving the appearance that Charles Murray was primarily responsible for stereotypes that linked skin color to violence. However, Murray said little that Archie Bunker hadn’t already articulated more than a decade earlier and, while liberals were busy decrying the possessive investment in whiteness, ethnic Americans were denouncing the possessive investment in racism among the well-heeled. While lending sheen and coherence to a neat narrative about fracture, the methodology of this particular type of intellectual history can skew analysis of issues and omit important developments.” So, while I appreciate the coherence and precision with which Rodgers traces ideas–from left to right, from economics textbooks to presidential podiums. Sometimes this approach–tracing the ebb and flow of ideas–is highly appropriate. Sometimes, however, it belies the way ideas actually circulate or the way history happens. I wonder: What is lost or distorted when intellectual history is not tied to social and cultural history?
Along these lines, I don’t believe in trickle down economics and I don’t know that trickle down intellectual history is the best representation of the way ideas emerge and circulate. What about trickle up intellectual history (or, for that matter, trickle up economics)? Who should we include as members of the “communities of discourse” that we examine? (There was a nice debate about this on the USIH blog earlier this year).
I mentioned earlier that I would like to dance backwards and in high heels. Let me now add “in drag”: Rodgers devotes three pages to the topic of AIDS. In his examination of race and racism, conversely, Rodgers delves deep and wide, devoting an entire chapter to the topic and strewing comments throughout the text. He even makes a rare foray into pop culture, nodding toward the contributions of Sanford & Son, the television mini-series Roots, Bill Cosby, Michael Jackson, Oprah Winfrey, Alice Walker, and Toni Morrison. He discusses “the new black presence in public life” and the legacy of the Harlem Renaissance and black arts movement, and he goes into loving detail about the conscious quest of African American authors to inculcate race pride. He cites polls from Black Enterprise magazine about black solidarity and decries the “day-to-day injuries imposed by the social marks of race in American society.” Willie Horton, Jesse Jackson, the Los Angeles riots, Anita Hill, and the debate among black intellectuals about the persistence of poverty are all there. The chapter on gender is less comprehensive but still works toward explaining relevant questions.
However, where are the gay intellectuals, writers, and activists? Where are Frank Kameny, Barbara Gittings, Larry Kramer, Sarah Schulman, Cleve Jones, John D’Emilio’s landmark, Sexual Politics, Sexual Communities (1983), The Celluloid Closet (1996), Lauren Berlant, Gayle Rubin, Matthew Shepard, and Ellen Degeneres? Where are the concerns about injuries inflicted on gay Americans, about their struggle for pride and dignity in the midst of denial and death?
Citing this omission is not just a plea for inclusion of yet another oppressed group. As Eva Sedgwick argues in Epistemology of the Closet (1990), leaving out queer voices distorts the historical lens. And, if these voices are needed to understand any era, it is most certainly the Reagan-Bush-Clinton years when anti-gay bigotry was embedded in social and intellectual life, when homophobia blanketed, like a fine layer of soot, the nation. What other community suffered as many casualties as a result of the government’s inaction? Estimates place the number of lynchings during Jim Crow as high as 5,000. Over 58,000 Americans died in the Vietnam War. The number of reported AIDS deaths from 1980 through 1997 in the United States is 641,087. Globally 30.6 million people were infected.
Let me say that, citing these statistics is not an exercise in comparative victimology. First, comparative history is a legitimate enterprise. Second, juxtaposition can be useful to bring a stunning reality into bold relief.
Today, approximately 5,000 people die every day because of AIDS, a global calamity that, some scientists argue, could have been controlled had the federal government responded swiftly in 1981 to news of deaths, as it was, most famously, in Australia. But in America the victims were members of a hated, marginalized minority and received no compassion, a key emotion that Rodgers seeks to trace as it relates to the poor. As Randy Shilts in And the Band Played On documented, the CDC and NIH were chronically underfunded. As Reagan biographer Lou Cannon concluded, Reagan’s response was “halting and ineffective.”
If Rodgers was reaching for a capacious survey of shaping intellectual ideas, how could he ignore this disease or the ideologies and language that allowed it to become a pandemic? The word AIDS itself would benefit from a Rodgers-style definition. Paula Treichler takes on this challenge to analyze the construction of AIDS as an “epidemic of signification” with culture, medicine, linguistics, socioeconomic status, gender, class, and race all influencing scientific naming practices. Considering the emotional and physical toll, it is no wonder that LGBT activist and intellectual Urvashi Vaid writes that “For lesbians, gay men, bisexuals, and transgendered people, the Reagan-Bush years were the worst years of our lives.”
At the heart of the Reagan-Bush era, the moral center of the period, is the AIDS crisis, the callous reaction to victims, and the lurid homophobia that sanctioned isolation and death. Historians, as a profession, have not come to terms with these events. Look at the index to almost any book on the 1980s and AIDS along with the hatred of gay people that fueled the epidemic are barely mentioned, those who do mostly talk about the response to AIDS among homosexual Americans only and the formulations of difficult to read queer theorists.
I do believe that writing a history about this period without addressing the AIDS pandemic is like writing a history of the George Bush years without talking about 9/11. AIDS and the diminishing calculus of compassion during the Reagan era are linked. Conservatism drew its force from antipathy toward a group of people who loved differently. This animus animated evangelicals and justified indifference to AIDS sufferers among Catholic leaders. It can be found everywhere in sermons, political speeches, journals, and newspapers. It inflected thinking on what constituted “normal,” on sex and gender more generally as well as reproductive rights. William Bennett, included in Age of Fracture for work that expounds on virtues, was Secretary of Education, who, along with his Undersecretary Gary Bauer (who later became head of the Family Research Council), served as the principle spokesmen for Reagan’s AIDS policies. Instead of disseminating information to educate people about how transmission occurred and how to prevent infection, these two guys were too worried about saying anything even remotely positive about gay people. Precious time was lost. Lives were lost.
I also wonder about historical context and if we need to consider authorial intention, that elusive quest that Roland Barthes deemed futile. Rick Warren receives mention by Rodgers for forging “more generous even radical frames for evangelical Protestant social thought” but not for barring gays from membership in his Saddleback Church. Pat Buchanan’s 1992 “culture war” speech gets airing for its patriotic invocations, but not his snide remarks about “homosexual rights” and denunciation of gay marriage as “amoral.” Irving Kristol’s work in the knowledge industry is acknowledged but not his charge that homosexuality was a “disease” (Reagan himself referred to it as “a tragic illness”). The issue of gays in the military and same sex marriage played a decisive role in elections, including ballot initiatives in the 1970s, and get-out-the-vote anti-homosexual campaigns, gay-bashing, and gay-baiting in campaigns since then, even affecting the outcome of presidential contests between the “straight panic” years of 1996 and 2004. If Rodgers is interested in the power of ideas, why doesn’t he analyze the origins and allure of anti-gay ideas? In our question and answer period, I hope we will discuss whether the motive of the people we analyze should form part of our analysis. How should intellectual historians consider statements motivated by bigotry and the desire to promote intolerance?
What would Age of Fracture look like if it had included this subject? On some matters, it would have reinforced his assertions. John D’Emilio’s classic essay “Capitalism and Gay Identity” would have fortified the convictions held by many that free markets induced freedom. With pastors and ministers expending tremendous energy, expounding wrathfully on homosexuality as an abomination and blaming victims for their “choice” little room was left to speak of Jesus as the man who overturned the money tables, preached poverty, humbleness, compassion, and charity, the very kind of emotional economy that Rodgers is interested in mapping.
On other important points, Rodgers would have found his organizing principle, around fracture, did not hold or at least that it was more contested. For example, by citing Butler’s notion of sexuality as a performance, he gives only one side of the debate between nature and nurture. A very large constituency of gay people themselves argued publicly for essentialism. The debate played out on the pages of Time and Newsweek , National Review , The Advocate and Slate.com, with scientific studies examining the role of genes and hormones in determining sexual orientation. At stake in this ontological question was whether gayness was akin to race and thus deserved legal protections or a choice that could be changed (and criticized).
On a final note: Who mourns for the gay men and women who either committed suicide, lived closeted lives filled with fear and anguish, alienated from family, friends, church, and denied the opportunity to build their own families or to love who they loved. I understand it is not the historian’s job to hold pity parties, but I wonder if empathy is a necessary first step before historians start weaving the experiences of gay people into the story of our past. It is certainly within our realm of responsibility to try to understand, as Ranke would say, how it really was, to see not only flawless execution but missteps, and trips, and dips, to assess not just waltzes, but break dancing, the Hustle, the rumba, the samba, and cha-cha-cha.
Rodgers III DD-254 - History
When Gillan and Glover left the Mk 2 line-up in June 1973 the rest of the band wasted little time in putting Ritchie Blackmore's plans for a new Deep Purple into effect.
Blackmore and Paice had already checked out Trapeze bassist Glenn Hughes and offered him a position. Paul Rodgers was offered the vacant vocalist slot but decided against joining. This lead to auditions and the eventual recruitment of the unknown David Coverdale, who had a bluesy quality to his voice and the physical presence to front the new band. Worries about whether fans would accept a new line-up had to be put to one side and the band immediately got to work on a new album.
July : Glenn Hughes is confirmed as Purple's new bass player.
August : David Coverdale's audition.
September 23rd : The new line-up is presented to the press at Clearwell Castle, during rehearsals for 'Burn'.
December 9th: Mk 3's first show,
KB Hallen, Copenhagen.
February: 'Burn' is released.
April 6th : The band co-headlines the California Jam festival with ELP.
December: 'Stormbringer' is released.
February / March: Ritchie Blackmore records his 'Rainbow' solo album with Ronnie Dio on vocals.
April 7th: Mk 3's final show, at the Paris Palais des Sports.
'Burn' appeared in February 1974, maintaining Deep Purple's rock standing, as well as taking their music in a new direction. Tracks such as 'Mistreated' and 'Burn' quickly became classics, especially when their true power came through on stage. Even before the album had been released the band were on the road, their stage show uncompromisingly kicking off with four new tracks. Only two Mk 2 songs were included in the main body of the set, and both of those were heavily reworked. In truth neither new vocalist sounded comfortable with them, but recreating Mk 2 was not a prime requirement of the new members.
The band's lengthy 1974 US tours were undertaken on an almost military scale which, along with the limos and private jet, were a big step up from previous visits. The first Mk 3 US tour climaxed in April 1974 at the California Jam festival, with the band's biggest ever crowd, estimated at over 200,000.
On tour, the music soon began to slip from Blackmore's control. Hughes' funk leanings were pushing to the fore, and that process carried over into the recording of the 'Stormbringer' album in the late summer of 1974. All the band wanted to do their own thing to some degree and it began to look as if a White Album style double would be required to accomodate everyone's input. However, when Ritchie Blackmore's (admittedly odd) request to cover an old Quatermass track 'Black Sheep Of The Family' fell on stony ground he ended up taking a relative back seat in the studio. 'Stormbringer' took shape blending rock, soul and funk in a way that was quite ahead of its time. It was released in double quick time in December 1974. Blackmore then followed his own muse by recording the 'Ritchie Blackmore's Rainbow' solo album in early 1975, backed by members of Deep Purple's regular support act Elf.
By the start of a short European tour in March 1975 Purple's management knew that Blackmore was intending to leave. The last three shows of the tour were recorded for posterity and appeared in 1976 after the band's ultimate demise as 'Made In Europe'.
To the surprise of many, including some of the band, Coverdale and Hughes were determined to carry on despite Blackmore's departure and they were all soon searching out a new guitarist. In Tommy Bolin they seemed to have found a player with a natural feel for all the musical directions which were now spilling over into Deep Purple's music. Reinvigorated, the band joyfully plunged themselves into rehearsals for a new album in June 1975.
Iran Air 655 [ edit | edit source ]
On July 3, 1988, the Vincennes shot down Iran Air Flight 655 with a two-missile salvo of SM-2MR missiles. Iran Air 655, carrying 290 passengers, had been airborne for seven minutes when the missiles hit approximately 8 miles (13 km) from the Vincennes. The airliner crashed into the Persian Gulf 6.5 miles (10.5 km) east of Hengham Island ( 26°37.75′N 56°1′E / 26.62917°N 56.017°E / 26.62917 56.017 ). All 290 on-board including 66 children and 16 crew perished. At the time of the incident, the Vincennes was inside Iranian territorial waters and engaged in small arms combat with several Iranian surface craft, and one of its LAMPS III Seahawk helicopters had drawn warning fire during flight operations. Ζ]
A subsequent US report by Rear Admiral William Fogarty, titled Formal Investigation into the Circumstances Surrounding the Downing of Iran Air Flight 655 on July 3, 1988, Ζ] noted that Captain Rogers received some faulty information that he used to make the decision to fire. Specifically, he was told the aircraft was identified as an Iranian Air Force F-14A Tomcat descending in an attack profile, and that it was identifying itself with secondary surveillance radar / IFF mode-II codes exclusively used by military aircraft. The investigation noted that Rogers was focused on the ongoing surface engagement and was only aware of the inbound aircraft for less than four minutes. It also pointed out that Rogers thought that he had increased burden to act since he was also assigned to protect the frigate USS Elmer Montgomery (FF-1082). The investigation also concluded that Rogers acted in a prudent manner based on the information available to him, and the short time frame involved. He also acted within the prescribed rules of engagement for USN warship captains in that situation. Ζ]
The USS Vincennes (CG-49) returns to San Diego, October 1988.
Other independent investigations into the incident have presented a different picture. John Barry and Roger Charles of Newsweek magazine claimed that Rogers was overeager for combat, that he started the fight with Iranian gunboats, and then followed them into Iranian territorial waters. Barry and Charles also accused the U.S. government of a cover-up. ΐ]
Some other sources lay some of the blame on the complexity of the technology and the great expense of the warship. An analysis of the events by the International Strategic Studies Association described the deployment of an AEGIS cruiser into that zone as irresponsible, and the Association thought that the great expense of his warship had played major parts in the setting of a low threshold for opening fire. Η]
In 2004, Marita Turpin and Niek du Plooy of the Centre for Logistics and Decision Support partially attributed the accident to an expectancy bias introduced by the Aegis Combat System and faulted the design and "unhelpful user interface" as contributing to the errors of judgment. ⎖]
Rogers speaking at a USS Vincennes welcome home ceremony.
Rogers was personally criticized for being overly aggressive by Commander David Carlson, commanding officer of the USS Sides, a second ship that was under the tactical control of Rogers at the time of the incident. Carlson claimed that the downing of Iran Air 655 marked the "horrifying climax to Capt. Rogers' aggressiveness, first seen four weeks ago". He was referring to incidents on June 2, 1988, when he claimed that Rogers brought the Vincennes too close to an Iranian frigate that was searching a bulk carrier, that he launched a helicopter too close to Iranian small boats, and that he fired upon a number of small Iranian military boats instead of directing another, smaller warship to do so. In disagreeing with Rogers's decision – citing the high cost of the cruiser relative to that of the frigates attached to the group – Carlson posited, "Why do you want an AEGIS cruiser out there shooting up boats? It wasn't a smart thing to do." ⎗]
The USS Vincennes, with Rogers remaining in command, completed the remainder of her scheduled deployment to the Pacific and Indian Oceans, and she returned to Naval Station San Diego on October 25, 1988. During the voyage home on September 22, 1988, the Vincennes rescued 26 Vietnamese boat people adrift in the South China Sea. ⎘]
Rogers remained in command of the USS Vincennes until May 27, 1989. ⎙] In 1990, President George H. W. Bush awarded Capt. Rogers the Legion of Merit decoration "for exceptionally meritorious conduct in the performance of outstanding service as commanding officer . from April 1987 to May 1989." The award was given for his service as the Commanding Officer of the Vincennes, and the citation made no mention of the downing of Iran Air 655. ⎚]
Like buses, you wait and wait for genuine LS3/5as and then two come along &ndash now Rogers is back with a re-engineered version of the milestone, to our reviewer's delight
Throughout my hi-fi career, I have manifested three fixations: valves, Decca cartridges and BBC LS3/5as, all of which faced sell-by dates 40 years ago. My pessimism was unfounded. Valves have never been stronger, and London maintained the Deccas. But LS3/5as? Aside from occasional facsimiles using non-KEF drivers, the LS3/5a was history. Yet now we have two new proper LS3/5as, a rebirth I never anticipated.
Following Falcon's reborn LS3/5a [ HFN Jan '19], its authenticity assured thanks to the input of Malcolm Jones, designer of the original drivers for KEF, Rogers has returned with its own reverse-engineered offering. Here legitimacy is guaranteed because designer Andy Whittle worked for Rogers back in the day and knows as much about LS3/5as as anyone alive.
Differences with the Falcons abound, not so much sonically as in the details. Most obvious is that the Rogers LS3/5a Classic costs more than Falcon's version &ndash offered between £2350-£2500 depending on finishes &ndash while Rogers charges £2750 for walnut and £2800 for rosewood. Rogers' parts are globally-sourced, but assembled and voiced in the UK while the Falcons are British. Cabinet materials differ slightly, as do the crossovers. There will inevitably be other comparisons, but I am not here to foment rivalry. I'll leave obsessing over the picayune to online fetishists.
Instead, note that both have BBC licenses, are '15ohm', non-bi-wire types like the originals, and &ndash crucially &ndash sound exactly like LS3/5as should. The Falcon version seems to go a tad louder while the bass in Rogers' LS3/5a is a hint drier. The Falcon LS3/5a wears deluxe multi-way binding posts, while Rogers uses banana plug sockets. But the two are so close as to recall the Great LS3/5a Shoot-Out of 2001 [ HFN Jun '01], so the factors in choosing one over the other will be availability, price or the importance of the badge.
Both brands faced challenges when it came to reverse-engineering drivers and crossovers, and dealing with obsolete components. Andy Whittle recounted the trials of locating the Tygan grille material, while sourcing the enclosures proved far costlier than in an era when the UK was peppered with cabinet makers.
The 2019 cabinet is a critically-damped enclosure made with 12mm Russian birch ply with hardwood beech fillets, finished with balanced veneers, including walnut and rosewood, with special finishes to order. Rogers has opted for silver-plated, single-wire 4mm multi-contact sockets from Switzerland, rather than multi-way binding posts. The sockets were chosen for electrical integrity and the flush fit and, as Andy said, 'They sound much better than anything else'.
Then came the drivers, which &ndash though re-engineered to recreate exact copies of the KEF drivers &ndash are not identified as such. KEF, after all, is the custodian of the B110 and T27 nomenclature. Grille off, it's like looking into the past: there's a Mylar dome tweeter with Kraft Nomex voice coil former, above the doped Bextrene cone bass unit.
'The cabinet is full BBC spec and the front baffle is stained ply,' Andy Whittle explained further. 'It's the same as the original 15ohm model, but with none of that painted-on veneer that screws up the sound.' The crossover is new &ndash a dual-layer PCB with 2oz copper, so there's a total of 4oz copper tracks. All the inductors are original specification M6 laminations and are accompanied by high-quality film capacitors and resistors.
By all accounts the original 15ohm LS3/5a did not have any inserts to screw the baffle into the cabinet. Wood screws went straight into the hardwood batten, so Rogers has done the same here, claiming that it sounds much better than a machine-screw-into-metal-insert fixing. Similarly, the final doping of the treble dome was only arrived at after listening to dozens of tweeter variations, and the factory in China uses new tooling for both the Bextrene woofer and tweeter. The final tweeter assembly is done in the UK, as is the pair matching of all drivers and QC testing.
Back To The&Hellip Past
After having listened to three types of LS3/5as before turning to the Classics, I then did something ridiculous. Thanks to the urging of fellow LS3/5a fan Jim Creed, I threw caution to the wind and drove them with the D'Agostino Momentum Stereo amplifier [ HFN Aug '12], despite the potential to turn the speakers into rubble. Resisting any temptation to play air guitar with peak Whitesnake, I was staggered to find it a match made in hi-fi-psycho-heaven.
USS Rodgers (DD-254 )/ HMS Sherwood
USS Rodgers (DD-254)/ HMS Sherwood was a Clemson class destroyer that was transferred to the Royal Navy as part of the destroyers for bases deal. In British service she took part in the search for the survivors from the AMC Jervis Bay and the hunt for the Bismarck, but was mainly used on convoy escort duties. However she was mechanically unreliable, and in October 1943 she was beached and used as a target for rocket firing aircraft.
The Rodgers was named after two generations of John Rodgers, father and son, both of whom served in the US Navy. A third John Rodgers, great-grandson of the first, also served, but most of his service came after this ship was named.
The Rodgers was originally going to be called the Kalk, but she was renamed on 23 December 1918. She was laid down by by Bethlehem at Quincy, Mass, on 25 September 1918 and launched on 26 April 1919. She was sponsored by Miss Helen T. Rodgers, the granddaughter of the second John Rodgers, and commissioned on 22 July 1919.
The Rodgers had a very short career in the US Navy. She served with Division 28, Destroyers, Atlantic Fleet, from 1919 until the spring of 1922. She was decommissioned on 20 July 1922 and remained out of service until the outbreak of the Second World War.
The Rodgers was recommissioned on 18 December 1939 as part of the US reaction to the outbreak of war in Europe and rejoined the Atlantic Fleet. However she was then chosen to be one of the fifty destroyers handed over to Britain as part of of the destroyers for bases deal. In October 1940 she moved to Halifax ready to be handed over.
As HMS Sherwood (I.80)
The Rodgers was transferred to British control on 23 October 1940 and commissioned into the Royal Navy as HMS Sherwood. She departed for the United Kingdom on 1 November, but was soon diverted to hunt for survivors from the AMC Jervis Bay, which had been sunk by the German raider Admiral Scheer. During the hunt for survivors the Sherwood developed engine problems and had to return to St. Johns.
The problems were soon fixed, and she departed for the UK for the second time on 12 November. She arrived at Portsmouth on 26 November, and began a refit and overhaul at the Portsmouth Naval Dockyard. These were almost complete when she was damaged by German bombing on 11 March, and she was moved to Devonport to have the work completed.
In April 1941, once the refit was complete the Sherwood departed for Iceland, where she was to join the 12th Escort Group. The group&rsquos main duty was to escort convoys in the mid-Atlantic area, but on 25 May the group was detached to join the hunt for the Bismarck. On 28 May, the day after the Bismarck had been sunk, the Sherwood took part a hunt for survivors from the destroyer HMS Mashona, which had been sunk by German aircraft.
The Sherwood then returned to the Clyde, where on 31 May she joined the escort for the outgoing Military Convoy WS8X, heading for the Middle East, as it passed through the Western Approaches. Once the convoy was past the immediate danger zone the Sherwood spent the rest of June on convoy defence duties in the Western Approaches. A plan to move her to the Newfoundland Escort Force had to be abandoned after she developed defects that required repairs that lasted into the autumn, and in October 1941 she joined an Escort Group based at Londonderry and operating in the north-western approaches.
In November 1941 she joined the 22nd Escort Group. In December she helped escort military convoy WS14 through the north-western Approaches.
On 27 January 1942 she suffered structure damage in heavy weather while operating on convoy defence duties. In February 1942 she was used to support HMS Formidable during trials, and in March she did the same for HMS Illustrious. This was followed by another period in the dockyard, this time having her boilers retubed. This took her out of action until September, when she was allocated as an Air Target Ship in the Cromarty area, to be used as a target by aircrews practicing torpedo attacks on shipping.
In October 1942 she was finally assigned to the Newfoundland Escort Force, and in November she began operations from St. Johns. This lasted until March 1943 when she returned to the UK and was allocated to the Gibraltar route. However more mechanical problems were found, and in April she was declared to be beyond economic repair.
The Sherwood was stripped of all useable parts and in September 1943 was towed to the Humber by the tug Sea Giant. In October she was beached in shallow waters outside the Humber estuary, and used as a target for rocket firing RAF Beaufighters. Her hulk was scrapped in 1946, although she can&rsquot have been in very good condition by then!
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